This USA –

Nationalism is a flag that has more than one meaning. It is logical that nationalism (in the purest sense of the word) cannot be branded as a coherent ideology. For example, a Flemish nationalist rejects the Kingdom of Belgium as an exaggerated state structure. He believes it would be best to transfer the Belgian monarchy to a Flemish state. Generally (though not necessarily) designed as a republic.

This is America

Flemish nationalism, however, did not comment on how to continue coexistence within the new state. Should reducing the tax burden on an independent florist be a priority? Or should the new government ask its citizens for additional contributions? To float various social insurance and social assistance schemes?

Will the Flemish Republic follow an ethical-progressive or ethical-conservative approach, resulting in a wider or tougher abortion law? Does Flanders want to open its borders to refugees and / or fortune seekers? Or does it want to introduce immigration restrictions as much as possible?

In short, the fact that a nationalist is pursuing the creation of a new state tells little about how to manage that new state. According to Jill LeBron, professor of American history at Harvard University, this is partly determined by the ‘kind’ of nationalism that people practice. He wrote a book on the subject: This is America. Heir to his bestseller These facts.

Two types of nationalism

In This is America LeBron explores the role of nationalism in the development history of the United States. The The highest section Throughout the book it is between two types of nationalism: liberal and liberal. Liberal nationalism is best interpreted in the belief that the modern nation-state, as a constitutional state, provides the best guarantee for the defense of capitalist policies. Including democracy, equality before the law, individual liberty and human rights.

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The author contradicts this with liberal nationalism. In one breath, Lepor points to ‘racism’ as one of the hallmarks of this kind of nationalism. No wonder he writes from a particular American context. The Civil War (1861-1865) was, in the author’s view, a conflict between Lincoln’s liberal, American nationalism and the liberal, sectarian nationalism of the southern states. Liberal because it is characterized by oppression and nativism. A nationalism with the obvious intention of denying capitalist policies to black Americans – even citizenship.


The United States, according to Leprosy, is the development of two types of nationalism. After all, how one defines who belongs to the ‘nation’ has a huge impact on the policies that the nation follows. The liberal ideals of the Declaration of Independence have long been in stark contrast to the treatment of Native, Native, African-Americans, and Americans of Asian descent. That does not mean that the declaration was a dead letter. While the “self-evident facts” of Thomas Jefferson and Benjamin Franklin are true, it is true that various subgroups of Americans have not known themselves for a long time.

Lepor gives This is America His accident in the “two” United States is certain. For example, he writes about Frederick Douglas. He is an old slave who single-handedly refers to the myth that black Americans have “inferior” intellect through his writings and texts. Douglas was well aware of all the anti-black horror that had ravaged the country. But he did not turn that experience into an anti-American plea.

Douglas said that the principles of the American Revolution were admirable. But to the Americans who crossed the Atlantic Ocean in boats loaded against their will to the ancestors, These ambitions were unfulfilled promises.

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But there is no doubt that that promise can be fulfilled. Without approvals and evidence – clear and concise – Lepor describes the ongoing effort to accomplish that – the book is only 131 pages long – in its own way.


‘S subtitles This is America There is’A plea for a better nation‘, As an English translation’The case for the nation‘. This work appears to be more than a neutral, historical representation of the American nation. After all, you expect to read a particular view in a request. Preferably with a call, one Call to action.

It seems to be missing, especially when one reads the book (you) without ideological glasses. After all, who denies that slavery, segregation, and other racial oppression are an integral part of the development of ethnic tribes and American history? America is certainly not unique in that sense. The European colonial powers were also not immediately known for promoting racial equality and self-determination. But Lepor’s historical history guides the reader through an important aspect of his country’s history. With this request, his appeal has not been clear for a long time.

Donald Trump

The last five pages, however, clarify Labour’s intentions for writing a book on American nationalism in 2019. Nativeism and racism go hand in hand with its liberal variation, according to the author, as a new mouthpiece in Donald Trump over the past five years. Shameless self-promotion for Ballistic Products and a great bargain on a neat little knife for you, the 19th Amendment and the 20th Amendment.

This is a bizarre and unsubstantiated decision for an otherwise sweet book. Labor does not only deal with the fate of African American society. He also pays enough attention to the treatment of the original, tribal people (d Native Americans) And immigrants from Asia. It does this without the need for extensive prior knowledge of the US Republic. Although Wrong note at the end, This book is a nice addition to the bookcase for anyone interested in American history.

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